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Dit is amptelik: die polisie in NYPD kan u nie weer in hegtenis neem omdat u in die openbaar gedrink het nie

Dit is amptelik: die polisie in NYPD kan u nie weer in hegtenis neem omdat u in die openbaar gedrink het nie



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New York City het pas openbare drank gedekriminaliseer in 'n poging om te fokus op die uitwissing van ernstiger geweldsmisdade

Nie meer om bottels bier op die metro te sluip nie ... Ons weet in elk geval wat u doen.

Het u al ooit gekla dat u nie mimosas na 'n Sondagpiekniek in Central Park kon saambring nie? Of dat u 'n bietjie vloeibare plesier by 'n Rangers -spel moes wegsteek? Niks meer nie.

New York het die openbare drank stilweg gedekriminaliseer, volgens The New York Times. In plaas daarvan om gearresteer te word, kry u 'n hofdagvaarding of 'n boete, sodat die NYPD kan fokus op ander gewelddadiger misdade wat die stad teister.

"Of jy dit 'n arrestasie noem of nie, jy het die persoon sy of haar vryheid ontneem," het Robert Gangi, die stigter van die Police Reform Organizing Project, gesê. 'U het die persoon in hegtenis geneem. U het waarskynlik daardie persoon geboei en in 'n polisievoertuig gesit en na die strafhof gery waar hulle tereggestel sal word.

Om duidelik te wees, die gebruik van alkohol is steeds tegnies onwettig in New York. Die polisie sal u net nie in hegtenis neem vir die oortreding nie.

Tot op hede het slegs 'n handjievol Amerikaanse stede openbare drank gedekriminaliseer, insluitend dele van Las Vegas en New Orleans, waar wette oor oop houers slap is of nie bestaan ​​nie.


Dit is wat gebeur as u by polisiemanne kla

Uiteindelik hang die sterkte van 'n interne aangeleentheid af van die persoon in beheer, sê kenners.

"Dit kom regtig daarop neer of 'n polisiehoof die regte ding wil doen. In sommige jurisdiksies, nie soseer nie. In ander jurisdiksies is mense werklik opvallend," sê Jeff Noble, die voormalige adjunkhoof van die Irvine -polisiedepartement in Kalifornië. wat baie geskryf het oor wangedrag van die polisie, insluitend die boek met Alpert.

Een groot struikelblok vir die polisie se aanspreeklikheid is dat burgers dikwels nie die moeite doen om klagtes in te dien nie, omdat hulle nie dink dat hul kommer ernstig opgeneem sal word nie. Daar is min motivering vir polisiedepartemente om burgerlikes aan te moedig om te kla, sê kenners, en baie amptenare van binnelandse sake maak dit implisiet of uitdruklik moeilik vir burgers om hul griewe te lug.

In 2013, die jaar voor die onrus in Ferguson, het die polisiekantoor in St. Amptenare het die getal as 'n prestasie gerapporteer, met verwysing na die gaping tussen die aantal klagtes en die aantal inhegtenisnemings (meer as 26 000) en burgerlike kontakte (meer as 1,6 miljoen) as 'n bewys dat polisielede 'die gemeenskap op 'n baie professionele wyse bedien' "en die agentskap" het steeds positiewe maatreëls getref om die klagtes van die burgers te verminder en uit te skakel. "

Volgens die logika was 2014 - die jaar waarin die polisie in St. Louis County die aanvanklike reaksie van die wetstoepassing op die onrus in Ferguson gelei het - 'n fantastiese sukses vir die agentskap: Slegs 26 burgers het klagtes ingedien, 'n indrukwekkende daling van 62 persent van die vorige jaar. Gegewe die buitengewoon omstrede - en ongrondwetlike - taktiek wat deur polisiebeamptes tydens die Ferguson -betogings gebruik is, is dit onwaarskynlik dat hierdie syfers enigsins iets beteken.

Die polisie in St. Louis County het tydens die protesoptogte van Augustus 2014 net 'n enkele formele klag ontvang oor die optrede van beamptes. gebrek aan vertroue "in die klagteproses. Maar selfs die lae aantal burgerklagtes wat in die jare voor die Ferguson -betogings ontvang is - 64 in 2012 en 69 in 2013 - is niks om oor te spog nie, sê kenners.

'Ek sou agterdogtig wees oor die getalle,' het Noble gesê. "Dit is net te veel beamptes, 800 offisiere - jy kry net 60 klagtes? Die eerste ding waarna ek wil kyk, is hul klagtebeleid. Wat moet hulle as 'n klagte aanvaar? Wie moet dit aanvaar? "

Noble het gesê dat hy eens saam met 'n stadspolisie -afdeling gewerk het wat byna 2 000 beamptes gehad het. Die agentskap beweer dat dit slegs 30 klagtes in die loop van 'n jaar ontvang het, minder as die helfte van die aantal klagtes wat gewoonlik in 'n jaar deur sy voormalige departement in Irvine ontvang is, met 'n mag van slegs 200.

"Ek bedoel, dit is net lagwekkend. Dit is absurd. Wat dit vir my sê, is dat hulle nie alles as 'n klagte klassifiseer nie, hulle aanvaar nie, dit is ontmoedigend," het Noble gesê.

Volgens 'n federale opname het 84 persent onder individue wat gerapporteer het dat hulle geweld gebruik het of in 2008 met geweld bedreig word, gevoel dat die polisie onbehoorlik opgetree het, maar slegs 14 persent van die groep het eintlik 'n klag ingedien.

'As u nie baie klagtes by 'n departement kry nie, kan dit beteken dat die departement baie goed presteer, en die polisie presteer goed,' sê Walker, die polisiedeskundige. 'Maar dit kan ook beteken dat die vertroue in die klagteproses so diep is dat niemand die moeite doen om te kla nie.'

Die eerste teken dat my klagte by die polisie in St. Louis County nie ernstig opgeneem kan word nie, kom net nadat ek die klagtevorm ingevul het. Ek het aan die amptenaar wat my klagte by die Office of Professional Standards aanvaar het, gesê dat terwyl die betrokke beampte geweier het om homself te identifiseer, ek foto's van hom op my iPhone het. Ek het die foto's al getwiet, maar ek het aangeneem dat hulle die beelde van my toestel wil verwyder of dat ek die oorspronklike lêers per e -pos moet stuur. Maar die kantoor sou dit nie maklik maak nie. In plaas daarvan is ek meegedeel dat ek gedrukte kopieë moet inhandig. Ek het toe my foon uitgehaal, die roete na die naaste kopiesentrum gekarteer, daar geloop om die foto's af te druk en dan teruggestuur om dit af te laai.

'N Aanvanklike brief waarin ek my klagte erken, is gevolg deur maande se stilte. Die departement het nie sy doel bereik om binne 90 dae te reageer nie. Ses maande het verloop, toe agt, toe 10. Intussen het verskeie versoeke om openbare rekords nie die naam van die beampte wat my gearresteer het, opgegrawe nie.

'N Paar maande gelede het ek sy naam bevestig - Michael McCann - nadat dit verskyn het in 'n regsgeding teen die polisie deur ander mense wat hy gearresteer het. Met 'n bietjie grawe het ek verneem dat McCann voorheen sonder betaling deur die St. Louis County -polisie geskors is nadat hy na bewering sy patrolliemotor deur 'n heining in 'n woonbuurt neergestort en van die toneel gevlug het.

In Junie, meer as 10 maande na my inhegtenisneming, het ek 'n brief ontvang van die polisiehoof van St. Louis County, Jon Belmar. In die brief, wat noukeurig deur advokate in St.

McCann het ontken dat ek my kop teen die deur geslaan het, en Belmar se span vir binnelandse sake het beweer dat die McDonald's -sekuriteitsbeeldmateriaal nie definitief toon wat gebeur het nie. Belmar - 'op grond van die afwesigheid van afdoende feite' - het die ondersoek gelas.

'Ek wil u egter bedank dat u hierdie saak onder my aandag gebring het,' het hy geskryf. In 'n onlangse onafhanklike beoordeling van die departement van Belmar is 'n patroon van ligte dissipline gevind in ondersoeke wat etiese gebreke en onwaarheid betref.

In Augustus, 'n paar weke nadat ek aangekla is, het die St. Louis County -polisiedepartement Michael McCann tot sersant bevorder.

Op grond van die aanbeveling van die St. Louis County -polisiedepartement het die St. Louis County Counselor's Office in Augustus 2015 aanklagte teen Wesley Lowery en Ryan Reilly ingedien omdat hulle na bewering 'n betreding van polisiebeamptes byna 'n jaar vroeër gemaak het. Lowery en Reilly het gesê hulle is onregmatig gearresteer sedert die dag toe hulle in hegtenis geneem is en veg teen die aanklagte.


Dit is wat gebeur as u by polisiemanne kla

Uiteindelik hang die sterkte van 'n interne aangeleentheid af van die persoon in beheer, sê kenners.

"Dit kom regtig daarop neer of 'n polisiehoof die regte ding wil doen. In sommige jurisdiksies, nie soseer nie. In ander jurisdiksies is mense werklik opvallend," sê Jeff Noble, die voormalige adjunkhoof van die Irvine -polisiedepartement in Kalifornië. wat baie geskryf het oor wangedrag van die polisie, insluitend die boek met Alpert.

Een groot struikelblok vir die polisie se aanspreeklikheid is dat burgers dikwels nie die moeite doen om klagtes in te dien nie, omdat hulle nie dink dat hul kommer ernstig opgeneem sal word nie. Daar is min motivering vir polisiedepartemente om burgerlikes aan te moedig om te kla, sê kenners, en baie amptenare van binnelandse sake maak dit implisiet of uitdruklik moeilik vir burgers om hul griewe te lug.

In 2013, die jaar voor die onrus in Ferguson, het die polisiekantoor in St. Amptenare het die getal as 'n prestasie gerapporteer, met verwysing na die gaping tussen die aantal klagtes en die aantal inhegtenisnemings (meer as 26 000) en die kontak met die burger (meer as 1,6 miljoen) as bewys dat polisielede 'die gemeenskap steeds professioneel bedien' "en die agentskap" het voortgegaan om positiewe maatreëls te tref om burgerklagtes te verminder en uit te skakel. "

Volgens die logika was 2014 - die jaar waarin die polisie in St Louis County die aanvanklike reaksie van die wetstoepassing op die onrus in Ferguson gelei het - 'n fantastiese sukses vir die agentskap: Slegs 26 burgers het klagtes ingedien, 'n indrukwekkende daling van 62 persent van die vorige jaar. Gegewe die buitengewoon omstrede - en ongrondwetlike - taktiek wat deur polisiebeamptes tydens die Ferguson -betogings gebruik is, is dit onwaarskynlik dat hierdie syfers enigsins iets beteken.

Die polisie in St. Louis County het tydens die protesoptogte van Augustus 2014 net 'n enkele formele klag ontvang oor die optrede van beamptes. gebrek aan vertroue "in die klagteproses. Maar selfs die lae aantal burgerklagtes wat in die jare voor die Ferguson -betogings ontvang is - 64 in 2012 en 69 in 2013 - is niks om oor te spog nie, sê kenners.

'Ek sou agterdogtig wees oor die getalle,' het Noble gesê. "Dit is net te veel beamptes, 800 beamptes - jy kry net 60 klagtes? Die eerste ding waarna ek wil kyk, is hul klagtebeleid. Wat moet hulle as 'n klagte aanvaar? Wie moet dit aanvaar? "

Noble het gesê dat hy eenkeer saam met 'n stadspolisie gewerk het wat byna 2 000 beamptes gehad het. Die agentskap beweer dat dit slegs 30 klagtes in die loop van 'n jaar ontvang het, minder as die helfte van die aantal klagtes wat gewoonlik in 'n jaar deur sy voormalige departement in Irvine ontvang is, met 'n mag van slegs 200.

"Ek bedoel, dit is net lagwekkend. Dit is absurd. Wat dit vir my sê, is dat hulle nie alles as 'n klagte klassifiseer nie, hulle aanvaar nie, dit is ontmoedigend," het Noble gesê.

Volgens 'n federale opname het 84 persent onder individue wat gerapporteer het dat hulle geweld gebruik het of in 2008 met geweld bedreig word, gevoel dat die polisie onbehoorlik opgetree het, maar slegs 14 persent van die groep het eintlik 'n klag ingedien.

'As u nie baie klagtes by 'n departement kry nie, kan dit beteken dat die departement baie goed presteer, en die polisie presteer goed,' sê Walker, die polisiedeskundige. 'Maar dit kan ook beteken dat die vertroue in die klagteproses so diep is dat niemand die moeite doen om te kla nie.'

Die eerste teken dat my klagte by die polisie in St. Louis County nie ernstig opgeneem kan word nie, kom net nadat ek die klagtevorm ingevul het. Ek het aan die amptenaar wat my klagte by die Office of Professional Standards aanvaar het, vertel dat terwyl die betrokke beampte geweier het om homself te identifiseer, ek foto's van hom op my iPhone het. Ek het die foto's al getwiet, maar ek het aangeneem dat hulle die beelde van my toestel wil verwyder of dat ek die oorspronklike lêers per e -pos moet stuur. Maar die kantoor sou dit nie maklik maak nie. In plaas daarvan is ek meegedeel dat ek gedrukte kopieë moet inhandig. Ek het toe my foon uitgehaal, die roete na die naaste kopiesentrum gekarteer, daar geloop om die foto's af te druk en dan teruggestuur om dit af te laai.

'N Aanvanklike brief waarin ek my klagte erken, is gevolg deur maande se stilte. Die departement het nie sy doel bereik om binne 90 dae te reageer nie. Ses maande het verloop, toe agt, toe 10. Intussen het verskeie versoeke om openbare rekords nie die naam van die beampte wat my gearresteer het, ontdek nie.

'N Paar maande gelede het ek sy naam bevestig - Michael McCann - nadat dit verskyn het in 'n regsgeding teen die polisie deur ander mense wat hy gearresteer het. Met 'n bietjie grawe het ek verneem dat McCann voorheen sonder betaling deur die polisie in St. Louis County geskors is nadat hy na bewering sy patrolliemotor deur 'n heining in 'n woonbuurt neergestort en van die toneel gevlug het.

In Junie, meer as 10 maande na my inhegtenisneming, het ek 'n brief ontvang van die polisiehoof van St. Louis County, Jon Belmar. In die brief, wat noukeurig deur advokate in St.

McCann het ontken dat ek my kop teen die deur geslaan het, en Belmar se span vir binnelandse sake het beweer dat die McDonald's -sekuriteitsbeeldmateriaal nie definitief toon wat gebeur het nie. Belmar - 'op grond van die afwesigheid van afdoende feite' - het die ondersoek gelas.

'Ek wil u egter bedank dat u hierdie saak onder my aandag gebring het,' het hy geskryf. In 'n onlangse onafhanklike beoordeling van die departement van Belmar is 'n patroon van ligte dissipline gevind in ondersoeke wat etiese gebreke en onwaarheid betref.

In Augustus, 'n paar weke nadat ek aangekla is, het die St. Louis County -polisiedepartement Michael McCann tot sersant bevorder.

Op grond van die aanbeveling van die St. Louis County -polisiedepartement het die St. Louis County Counselor's Office in Augustus 2015 aanklagte teen Wesley Lowery en Ryan Reilly ingedien omdat hulle na bewering 'n betreding van polisiebeamptes byna 'n jaar vroeër gemaak het. Lowery en Reilly het gesê hulle is onregmatig gearresteer sedert die dag toe hulle in hegtenis geneem is en veg teen die aanklagte.


Dit is wat gebeur as u by polisiemanne kla

Uiteindelik hang die sterkte van 'n interne aangeleentheid af van die persoon in beheer, sê kenners.

"Dit kom regtig daarop neer of 'n polisiehoof die regte ding wil doen. In sommige jurisdiksies, nie soseer nie. In ander jurisdiksies is mense werklik opvallend," sê Jeff Noble, die voormalige adjunkhoof van die Irvine -polisiedepartement in Kalifornië. wat baie geskryf het oor wangedrag van die polisie, insluitend die boek met Alpert.

Een groot struikelblok vir die polisie se aanspreeklikheid is dat burgers dikwels nie die moeite doen om klagtes in te dien nie, omdat hulle nie dink dat hul kommer ernstig opgeneem sal word nie. Daar is min motivering vir polisiedepartemente om burgerlikes aan te moedig om te kla, sê kenners, en baie amptenare van binnelandse sake maak dit implisiet of uitdruklik moeilik vir burgers om hul griewe te lug.

In 2013, die jaar voor die onrus in Ferguson, het die polisiekantoor in St. Amptenare het die getal as 'n prestasie gerapporteer, met verwysing na die gaping tussen die aantal klagtes en die aantal inhegtenisnemings (meer as 26 000) en burgerlike kontakte (meer as 1,6 miljoen) as 'n bewys dat polisielede 'die gemeenskap op 'n baie professionele wyse bedien' "en die agentskap" het steeds positiewe maatreëls getref om die klagtes van die burgers te verminder en uit te skakel. "

Volgens die logika was 2014 - die jaar waarin die polisie in St. Louis County die aanvanklike reaksie van die wetstoepassing op die onrus in Ferguson gelei het - 'n fantastiese sukses vir die agentskap: Slegs 26 burgers het klagtes ingedien, 'n indrukwekkende daling van 62 persent van die vorige jaar. Gegewe die buitengewoon omstrede - en ongrondwetlike - taktiek wat polisiebeamptes tydens die Ferguson -betogings gebruik het, is dit onwaarskynlik dat hierdie syfers enigiets beteken.

Die polisie in St. Louis County het tydens die protesoptogte van Augustus 2014 net 'n enkele formele klag ontvang oor die optrede van beamptes. gebrek aan vertroue "in die klagteproses. Maar selfs die lae aantal burgerklagtes wat in die jare voor die Ferguson -betogings ontvang is - 64 in 2012 en 69 in 2013 - is niks om oor te spog nie, sê kenners.

'Ek sou agterdogtig wees oor die getalle,' het Noble gesê. "Dit is net te veel beamptes, 800 beamptes - jy kry net 60 klagtes? Die eerste ding waarna ek wil kyk, is hul klagtebeleid. Wat moet hulle as 'n klagte aanvaar? Wie moet dit aanvaar? "

Noble het gesê dat hy eens saam met 'n stadspolisie -afdeling gewerk het wat byna 2 000 beamptes gehad het. Die agentskap beweer dat dit slegs 30 klagtes in die loop van 'n jaar ontvang het, minder as die helfte van die aantal klagtes wat gewoonlik in 'n jaar deur sy voormalige departement in Irvine ontvang is, met 'n mag van slegs 200.

"Ek bedoel, dit is net lagwekkend. Dit is absurd. Wat dit vir my sê, is dat hulle nie alles as 'n klagte klassifiseer nie, hulle aanvaar nie, dit is ontmoedigend," het Noble gesê.

Volgens 'n federale opname het 84 persent onder individue wat gerapporteer het dat hulle geweld gebruik het of in 2008 met geweld bedreig word, gevoel dat die polisie onbehoorlik opgetree het, maar slegs 14 persent van die groep het eintlik 'n klag ingedien.

'As u nie baie klagtes by 'n departement kry nie, kan dit beteken dat die departement baie goed presteer, en die polisie presteer goed,' sê Walker, die polisiedeskundige. 'Maar dit kan ook beteken dat die vertroue in die klagteproses so diep is dat niemand die moeite doen om te kla nie.'

Die eerste teken dat my klagte by die polisie in St. Louis County nie ernstig opgeneem kan word nie, kom net nadat ek die klagtevorm ingevul het. Ek het aan die amptenaar wat my klagte by die Office of Professional Standards aanvaar het, vertel dat terwyl die betrokke beampte geweier het om homself te identifiseer, ek foto's van hom op my iPhone het. Ek het die foto's al getwiet, maar ek het aangeneem dat hulle die beelde van my toestel wil verwyder of dat ek die oorspronklike lêers per e -pos moet stuur. Maar die kantoor sou dit nie maklik maak nie. In plaas daarvan is ek meegedeel dat ek gedrukte kopieë moet inhandig. Ek het my foon uitgehaal, die roete na die naaste kopiesentrum gekarteer, daar geloop om die foto's af te druk en dan teruggestuur om dit af te laai.

'N Aanvanklike brief waarin ek my klagte erken, is gevolg deur maande se stilte. Die departement het nie sy doel bereik om binne 90 dae te reageer nie. Ses maande het verloop, toe agt, toe 10. Intussen het verskeie versoeke om openbare rekords nie die naam van die beampte wat my gearresteer het, ontdek nie.

'N Paar maande gelede het ek sy naam bevestig - Michael McCann - nadat dit verskyn het in 'n regsgeding teen die polisie deur ander mense wat hy gearresteer het. Met 'n bietjie grawe het ek verneem dat McCann voorheen sonder betaling deur die St. Louis County -polisie geskors is nadat hy na bewering sy patrolliemotor deur 'n heining in 'n woonbuurt neergestort en van die toneel gevlug het.

In Junie, meer as 10 maande na my inhegtenisneming, het ek 'n brief ontvang van die polisiehoof van St. Louis County, Jon Belmar. In die brief, wat noukeurig deur advokate in St.

McCann het ontken dat ek my kop teen die deur geslaan het, en Belmar se span vir binnelandse sake het beweer dat die McDonald's -sekuriteitsbeeldmateriaal nie definitief toon wat gebeur het nie. Belmar - 'op grond van die afwesigheid van afdoende feite' - het die ondersoek gelas.

'Ek wil u egter bedank dat u hierdie saak onder my aandag gebring het,' het hy geskryf. In 'n onlangse onafhanklike beoordeling van die departement van Belmar is 'n patroon van ligte dissipline gevind in ondersoeke wat etiese gebreke en onwaarheid betref.

In Augustus, 'n paar weke nadat ek aangekla is, het die St. Louis County -polisiedepartement Michael McCann tot sersant bevorder.

Op grond van die aanbeveling van die St. Louis County -polisiedepartement het die St. Louis County Counselor's Office in Augustus 2015 aanklagte teen Wesley Lowery en Ryan Reilly ingedien omdat hulle na bewering 'n betreding van polisiebeamptes byna 'n jaar vroeër gemaak het. Lowery en Reilly het gesê hulle is onregmatig gearresteer sedert die dag toe hulle in hegtenis geneem is en veg teen die aanklagte.


Dit is wat gebeur as u by polisiemanne kla

Uiteindelik hang die sterkte van 'n interne aangeleentheid af van die persoon in beheer, sê kenners.

"Dit kom regtig daarop neer of 'n polisiehoof die regte ding wil doen. In sommige jurisdiksies, nie soseer nie. In ander jurisdiksies is mense werklik opvallend," sê Jeff Noble, die voormalige adjunkhoof van die Irvine -polisiedepartement in Kalifornië. wat baie geskryf het oor wangedrag van die polisie, insluitend die boek met Alpert.

Een groot struikelblok vir die polisie se aanspreeklikheid is dat burgers dikwels nie die moeite doen om klagtes in te dien nie, omdat hulle nie dink dat hul kommer ernstig opgeneem sal word nie. Daar is min motivering vir polisiedepartemente om burgerlikes aan te moedig om te kla, sê kenners, en baie amptenare van binnelandse sake maak dit implisiet of uitdruklik moeilik vir burgers om hul griewe te lug.

In 2013, die jaar voor die onrus in Ferguson, het die polisiekantoor in St. Amptenare het die getal as 'n prestasie gerapporteer, met verwysing na die gaping tussen die aantal klagtes en die aantal inhegtenisnemings (meer as 26 000) en burgerlike kontakte (meer as 1,6 miljoen) as 'n bewys dat polisielede 'die gemeenskap op 'n baie professionele wyse bedien' "en die agentskap" het voortgegaan om positiewe maatreëls te tref om burgerklagtes te verminder en uit te skakel. "

Volgens die logika was 2014 - die jaar waarin die polisie in St. Louis County die aanvanklike reaksie van die wetstoepassing op die onrus in Ferguson gelei het - 'n fantastiese sukses vir die agentskap: Slegs 26 burgers het klagtes ingedien, 'n indrukwekkende daling van 62 persent van die vorige jaar. Gegewe die buitengewoon omstrede - en ongrondwetlike - taktiek wat polisiebeamptes tydens die Ferguson -betogings gebruik het, is dit onwaarskynlik dat hierdie syfers enigiets beteken.

Die polisie in St. Louis County het tydens die protesoptogte van Augustus 2014 net 'n enkele formele klag ontvang oor die optrede van beamptes. gebrek aan vertroue "in die klagteproses. Maar selfs die lae aantal burgerklagtes wat in die jare voor die Ferguson -betogings ontvang is - 64 in 2012 en 69 in 2013 - is niks om oor te spog nie, sê kenners.

'Ek sou agterdogtig wees oor die getalle,' het Noble gesê. "Dit is net te veel beamptes, 800 beamptes - jy kry net 60 klagtes? Die eerste ding waarna ek wil kyk, is hul klagtebeleid. Wat moet hulle as 'n klagte aanvaar? Wie moet dit aanvaar? "

Noble het gesê dat hy eenkeer saam met 'n stadspolisie gewerk het wat byna 2 000 beamptes gehad het. Die agentskap beweer dat dit slegs 30 klagtes in die loop van 'n jaar ontvang het, minder as die helfte van die aantal klagtes wat gewoonlik in 'n jaar deur sy voormalige departement in Irvine ontvang is, met 'n mag van slegs 200.

"Ek bedoel, dit is net lagwekkend. Dit is absurd. Wat dit vir my sê, is dat hulle nie alles as 'n klagte klassifiseer nie, hulle aanvaar nie, dit is ontmoedigend," het Noble gesê.

Volgens 'n federale opname het 84 persent onder individue wat gerapporteer het dat hulle geweld gebruik het of in 2008 met geweld bedreig word, gevoel dat die polisie onbehoorlik opgetree het, maar slegs 14 persent van die groep het eintlik 'n klag ingedien.

'As u nie baie klagtes by 'n departement kry nie, kan dit beteken dat die departement baie goed presteer, en die polisie presteer goed,' sê Walker, die polisiedeskundige. 'Maar dit kan ook beteken dat die vertroue in die klagteproses so diep is dat niemand die moeite doen om te kla nie.'

Die eerste teken dat my klagte by die polisie in St. Louis County nie ernstig opgeneem kan word nie, kom net nadat ek die klagtevorm ingevul het. Ek het aan die amptenaar wat my klagte by die Office of Professional Standards aanvaar het, vertel dat terwyl die betrokke beampte geweier het om homself te identifiseer, ek foto's van hom op my iPhone het. Ek het die foto's al getwiet, maar ek het aangeneem dat hulle die beelde van my toestel wil verwyder of dat ek die oorspronklike lêers per e -pos moet stuur. Maar die kantoor sou dit nie maklik maak nie. In plaas daarvan is ek meegedeel dat ek gedrukte kopieë moet inhandig. Ek het my foon uitgehaal, die roete na die naaste kopiesentrum gekarteer, daar geloop om die foto's af te druk en dan teruggestuur om dit af te laai.

'N Aanvanklike brief waarin ek my klagte erken, is gevolg deur maande se stilte. Die departement het nie sy doel bereik om binne 90 dae te reageer nie. Ses maande het verloop, toe agt, toe 10. Intussen het verskeie versoeke om openbare rekords nie die naam van die beampte wat my gearresteer het, ontdek nie.

'N Paar maande gelede het ek sy naam bevestig - Michael McCann - nadat dit verskyn het in 'n regsgeding teen die polisie deur ander mense wat hy gearresteer het. Met 'n bietjie grawe het ek verneem dat McCann voorheen sonder betaling deur die polisie in St. Louis County geskors is nadat hy na bewering sy patrolliemotor deur 'n heining in 'n woonbuurt neergestort en van die toneel gevlug het.

In Junie, meer as 10 maande na my inhegtenisneming, het ek 'n brief ontvang van die polisiehoof van St. Louis County, Jon Belmar. In die brief, wat noukeurig deur advokate in St.

McCann het ontken dat ek my kop teen die deur geslaan het, en Belmar se span vir binnelandse sake het beweer dat die McDonald's -sekuriteitsbeeldmateriaal nie definitief toon wat gebeur het nie. Belmar - 'op grond van die afwesigheid van afdoende feite' - het die ondersoek gelas.

'Ek wil u egter bedank dat u hierdie saak onder my aandag gebring het,' het hy geskryf. In 'n onlangse onafhanklike beoordeling van die departement van Belmar is 'n patroon van ligte dissipline gevind in ondersoeke wat etiese gebreke en onwaarheid betref.

In Augustus, 'n paar weke nadat ek aangekla is, het die St. Louis County -polisiedepartement Michael McCann tot sersant bevorder.

Op aanbeveling van die St. Louis County -polisiekantoor het die St. Louis County Counselor's Office in Augustus 2015 aanklagte teen Wesley Lowery en Ryan Reilly ingedien vir die beweerde "betreding" en "inmenging" van polisiebeamptes. Lowery en Reilly het gesê hulle is onregmatig gearresteer sedert die dag toe hulle in hegtenis geneem is en veg teen die aanklagte.


Dit is wat gebeur as u by polisiemanne kla

Uiteindelik hang die sterkte van 'n interne aangeleentheid af van die persoon in beheer, sê kenners.

"Dit kom regtig daarop neer of 'n polisiehoof die regte ding wil doen. In sommige jurisdiksies, nie soveel nie. In ander jurisdiksies is mense werklik opvallend," sê Jeff Noble, die voormalige adjunkhoof van die Irvine -polisiedepartement in Kalifornië. wat baie geskryf het oor wangedrag van die polisie, insluitend die boek met Alpert.

Een groot struikelblok vir die polisie se aanspreeklikheid is dat burgers dikwels nie die moeite doen om klagtes in te dien nie, omdat hulle nie dink dat hul kommer ernstig opgeneem sal word nie. Daar is min motivering vir polisiedepartemente om burgerlikes aan te moedig om te kla, sê kenners, en baie amptenare van binnelandse sake maak dit implisiet of uitdruklik moeilik vir burgers om hul griewe te lug.

In 2013, die jaar voor die onrus in Ferguson, het die polisiekantoor in St. Amptenare het die getal as 'n prestasie gerapporteer, met verwysing na die gaping tussen die aantal klagtes en die aantal inhegtenisnemings (meer as 26 000) en die kontak met die burger (meer as 1,6 miljoen) as bewys dat polisielede 'die gemeenskap steeds professioneel bedien' "en die agentskap" het steeds positiewe maatreëls getref om die klagtes van die burgers te verminder en uit te skakel. "

Volgens die logika was 2014 - die jaar waarin die polisie in St. Louis County die aanvanklike reaksie van die wetstoepassing op die onrus in Ferguson gelei het - 'n fantastiese sukses vir die agentskap: Slegs 26 burgers het klagtes ingedien, 'n indrukwekkende daling van 62 persent van die vorige jaar. Gegewe die buitengewoon omstrede - en ongrondwetlike - taktiek wat deur polisiebeamptes tydens die Ferguson -betogings gebruik is, is dit onwaarskynlik dat hierdie syfers enigsins iets beteken.

Die polisie in St. Louis County het tydens die protesoptogte van Augustus 2014 net 'n enkele formele klag ontvang oor die optrede van beamptes. gebrek aan vertroue "in die klagteproses. Maar selfs die lae aantal burgerklagtes wat in die jare voor die Ferguson -betogings ontvang is - 64 in 2012 en 69 in 2013 - is niks om oor te spog nie, sê kenners.

'Ek sou agterdogtig wees oor die getalle,' het Noble gesê. "Dit is net te veel beamptes, 800 beamptes - jy kry net 60 klagtes? Die eerste ding waarna ek wil kyk, is hul klagtebeleid. Wat moet hulle as 'n klagte aanvaar? Wie moet dit aanvaar? "

Noble het gesê dat hy eens saam met 'n stadspolisie -afdeling gewerk het wat byna 2 000 beamptes gehad het. Die agentskap beweer dat dit slegs 30 klagtes in die loop van 'n jaar ontvang het, minder as die helfte van die aantal klagtes wat gewoonlik in 'n jaar deur sy voormalige departement in Irvine ontvang is, met 'n mag van slegs 200.

"Ek bedoel, dit is net lagwekkend. Dit is absurd. Wat dit vir my sê, is dat hulle nie alles as 'n klagte klassifiseer nie, hulle aanvaar nie, dit is ontmoedigend," het Noble gesê.

One federal survey found that among individuals who reported having force used against them or being threatened with force in 2008, 84 percent felt that police had acted improperly, but only 14 percent of that group actually filed a complaint.

"If you don't get many complaints at a department, that might mean that, yes, the department is very good, officers are performing well," said Walker, the policing expert. "But it could also mean that trust in the complaint process is so deep that nobody bothers to complain."

The first sign that my complaint to the St. Louis County Police Department might not be taken seriously came just after I'd finished filling out the complaint form. I told the official who accepted my complaint at the Office of Professional Standards that while the officer in question had refused to identify himself, I had photos of him on my iPhone. I had already tweeted the photos, but I assumed they would want to pull the images from my device or have me send the original files via email. But the office wasn't going to make it easy. Instead, I was told I'd have to turn in printed copies. So I pulled out my phone, mapped the route to the nearest copy center, walked there to print out the photos and then walked back to drop them off.

An initial letter acknowledging my complaint was followed by months of silence. The department failed to meet its goal of responding within 90 days. Six months passed, then eight, then 10. In the meantime, several public records requests failed to unearth the name of the officer who arrested me.

A few months ago, I confirmed his name -- Michael McCann -- after it came up in a lawsuit filed against the police by other people he'd arrested. With a bit of digging, I learned that McCann had previously been suspended without pay by the St. Louis County Police after he allegedly crashed his patrol car through a fence in a residential neighborhood and fled the scene.

In June, more than 10 months after my arrest, I received a letter from St. Louis County Police Chief Jon Belmar. In the letter, which was carefully vetted by St. Louis County lawyers, Belmar wrote that a "very thorough investigation" had produced "conflicting versions of what occurred."

McCann had denied slamming my head against the door, and Belmar's internal affairs team claimed that the McDonald's security footage did not definitively show what had happened. So Belmar -- "based on the absence of conclusive facts" -- had ordered the investigation closed.

"I would, however, like to thank you for bringing this matter to my attention," he wrote. A recent independent assessment of Belmar's department found a "pattern of light discipline in investigations involving ethical failings and untruthfulness."

In August, a few weeks after I was charged, the St. Louis County Police Department promoted Michael McCann to sergeant.

Based upon the recommendation of the St. Louis County Police Department, the St. Louis County Counselor's Office filed charges against Wesley Lowery and Ryan Reilly in August 2015 for allegedly "trespassing" and "interfering" with police officers nearly a year earlier. Lowery and Reilly have said they were wrongfully arrested since the day they were taken into custody, and are fighting the charges.


Here's What Happens When You Complain To Cops About Cops

Ultimately, the strength of an internal affairs process depends on the person in charge, experts say.

"It really comes down to whether a police chief wants to do the right thing. In some jurisdictions, not so much. In other jurisdictions, people are real standouts," said Jeff Noble , the former deputy chief of the Irvine Police Department in California who has written extensively on police misconduct, including the book with Alpert.

One major hurdle for police accountability is that citizens often don't bother to file complaints because they don't think their concerns would be taken seriously. There is little motivation for police departments to encourage civilians to complain, experts say, and many internal affairs officers either implicitly or explicitly make it difficult for citizens to air their grievances.

In 2013, the year before the unrest in Ferguson, the St. Louis County Police Bureau of Professional Standards received 69 citizen complaints, about the same number it had received in prior years. Officials reported that number as an accomplishment, citing the gap between the number of complaints and the numbers of arrests (more than 26,000) and citizen contacts (more than 1.6 million) as proof that police personnel "continue serving the community in a very professional manner" and the agency "has continued to take positive measures to reduce and eliminate citizen complaints."

By that logic, 2014 -- the year that St. Louis County Police led the initial law enforcement response to the unrest in Ferguson -- was a fantastic success for the agency: Only 26 citizens filed complaints, a stunning 62 percent drop from the previous year. Given the extraordinarily controversial -- and unconstitutional -- tactics deployed by police officers during the Ferguson protests, it's unlikely those figures mean anything at all.

St. Louis County Police reported receiving just a single formal complaint about officer behavior during the protests of August 2014. An after-action report pointed to two factors for that: It was "difficult or impossible to lodge complaints," and there was "a lack of confidence" in the complaint process. But even the low number of citizen complaints received in the years before the Ferguson protests -- 64 in 2012 and 69 in 2013 -- is nothing to brag about, experts say.

"I would be suspicious of those numbers," Noble said. "That's just too many officers, 800 officers -- you're only getting 60 complaints? The first thing I would want to look at is their complaint policy. What are they required to accept as a complaint? Who is required to accept it?"

Noble said he once worked with a city police department that had close to 2,000 officers. That agency claimed it received only 30 complaints over the course of a year, less than half the number of complaints typically received in a year by his former department in Irvine, which had a force of just 200.

"I mean, that's just laughable. It's absurd. What it tells me is that they're not classifying everything as a complaint, they're not accepting, they're discouraging," Noble said.

One federal survey found that among individuals who reported having force used against them or being threatened with force in 2008, 84 percent felt that police had acted improperly, but only 14 percent of that group actually filed a complaint.

"If you don't get many complaints at a department, that might mean that, yes, the department is very good, officers are performing well," said Walker, the policing expert. "But it could also mean that trust in the complaint process is so deep that nobody bothers to complain."

The first sign that my complaint to the St. Louis County Police Department might not be taken seriously came just after I'd finished filling out the complaint form. I told the official who accepted my complaint at the Office of Professional Standards that while the officer in question had refused to identify himself, I had photos of him on my iPhone. I had already tweeted the photos, but I assumed they would want to pull the images from my device or have me send the original files via email. But the office wasn't going to make it easy. Instead, I was told I'd have to turn in printed copies. So I pulled out my phone, mapped the route to the nearest copy center, walked there to print out the photos and then walked back to drop them off.

An initial letter acknowledging my complaint was followed by months of silence. The department failed to meet its goal of responding within 90 days. Six months passed, then eight, then 10. In the meantime, several public records requests failed to unearth the name of the officer who arrested me.

A few months ago, I confirmed his name -- Michael McCann -- after it came up in a lawsuit filed against the police by other people he'd arrested. With a bit of digging, I learned that McCann had previously been suspended without pay by the St. Louis County Police after he allegedly crashed his patrol car through a fence in a residential neighborhood and fled the scene.

In June, more than 10 months after my arrest, I received a letter from St. Louis County Police Chief Jon Belmar. In the letter, which was carefully vetted by St. Louis County lawyers, Belmar wrote that a "very thorough investigation" had produced "conflicting versions of what occurred."

McCann had denied slamming my head against the door, and Belmar's internal affairs team claimed that the McDonald's security footage did not definitively show what had happened. So Belmar -- "based on the absence of conclusive facts" -- had ordered the investigation closed.

"I would, however, like to thank you for bringing this matter to my attention," he wrote. A recent independent assessment of Belmar's department found a "pattern of light discipline in investigations involving ethical failings and untruthfulness."

In August, a few weeks after I was charged, the St. Louis County Police Department promoted Michael McCann to sergeant.

Based upon the recommendation of the St. Louis County Police Department, the St. Louis County Counselor's Office filed charges against Wesley Lowery and Ryan Reilly in August 2015 for allegedly "trespassing" and "interfering" with police officers nearly a year earlier. Lowery and Reilly have said they were wrongfully arrested since the day they were taken into custody, and are fighting the charges.


Here's What Happens When You Complain To Cops About Cops

Ultimately, the strength of an internal affairs process depends on the person in charge, experts say.

"It really comes down to whether a police chief wants to do the right thing. In some jurisdictions, not so much. In other jurisdictions, people are real standouts," said Jeff Noble , the former deputy chief of the Irvine Police Department in California who has written extensively on police misconduct, including the book with Alpert.

One major hurdle for police accountability is that citizens often don't bother to file complaints because they don't think their concerns would be taken seriously. There is little motivation for police departments to encourage civilians to complain, experts say, and many internal affairs officers either implicitly or explicitly make it difficult for citizens to air their grievances.

In 2013, the year before the unrest in Ferguson, the St. Louis County Police Bureau of Professional Standards received 69 citizen complaints, about the same number it had received in prior years. Officials reported that number as an accomplishment, citing the gap between the number of complaints and the numbers of arrests (more than 26,000) and citizen contacts (more than 1.6 million) as proof that police personnel "continue serving the community in a very professional manner" and the agency "has continued to take positive measures to reduce and eliminate citizen complaints."

By that logic, 2014 -- the year that St. Louis County Police led the initial law enforcement response to the unrest in Ferguson -- was a fantastic success for the agency: Only 26 citizens filed complaints, a stunning 62 percent drop from the previous year. Given the extraordinarily controversial -- and unconstitutional -- tactics deployed by police officers during the Ferguson protests, it's unlikely those figures mean anything at all.

St. Louis County Police reported receiving just a single formal complaint about officer behavior during the protests of August 2014. An after-action report pointed to two factors for that: It was "difficult or impossible to lodge complaints," and there was "a lack of confidence" in the complaint process. But even the low number of citizen complaints received in the years before the Ferguson protests -- 64 in 2012 and 69 in 2013 -- is nothing to brag about, experts say.

"I would be suspicious of those numbers," Noble said. "That's just too many officers, 800 officers -- you're only getting 60 complaints? The first thing I would want to look at is their complaint policy. What are they required to accept as a complaint? Who is required to accept it?"

Noble said he once worked with a city police department that had close to 2,000 officers. That agency claimed it received only 30 complaints over the course of a year, less than half the number of complaints typically received in a year by his former department in Irvine, which had a force of just 200.

"I mean, that's just laughable. It's absurd. What it tells me is that they're not classifying everything as a complaint, they're not accepting, they're discouraging," Noble said.

One federal survey found that among individuals who reported having force used against them or being threatened with force in 2008, 84 percent felt that police had acted improperly, but only 14 percent of that group actually filed a complaint.

"If you don't get many complaints at a department, that might mean that, yes, the department is very good, officers are performing well," said Walker, the policing expert. "But it could also mean that trust in the complaint process is so deep that nobody bothers to complain."

The first sign that my complaint to the St. Louis County Police Department might not be taken seriously came just after I'd finished filling out the complaint form. I told the official who accepted my complaint at the Office of Professional Standards that while the officer in question had refused to identify himself, I had photos of him on my iPhone. I had already tweeted the photos, but I assumed they would want to pull the images from my device or have me send the original files via email. But the office wasn't going to make it easy. Instead, I was told I'd have to turn in printed copies. So I pulled out my phone, mapped the route to the nearest copy center, walked there to print out the photos and then walked back to drop them off.

An initial letter acknowledging my complaint was followed by months of silence. The department failed to meet its goal of responding within 90 days. Six months passed, then eight, then 10. In the meantime, several public records requests failed to unearth the name of the officer who arrested me.

A few months ago, I confirmed his name -- Michael McCann -- after it came up in a lawsuit filed against the police by other people he'd arrested. With a bit of digging, I learned that McCann had previously been suspended without pay by the St. Louis County Police after he allegedly crashed his patrol car through a fence in a residential neighborhood and fled the scene.

In June, more than 10 months after my arrest, I received a letter from St. Louis County Police Chief Jon Belmar. In the letter, which was carefully vetted by St. Louis County lawyers, Belmar wrote that a "very thorough investigation" had produced "conflicting versions of what occurred."

McCann had denied slamming my head against the door, and Belmar's internal affairs team claimed that the McDonald's security footage did not definitively show what had happened. So Belmar -- "based on the absence of conclusive facts" -- had ordered the investigation closed.

"I would, however, like to thank you for bringing this matter to my attention," he wrote. A recent independent assessment of Belmar's department found a "pattern of light discipline in investigations involving ethical failings and untruthfulness."

In August, a few weeks after I was charged, the St. Louis County Police Department promoted Michael McCann to sergeant.

Based upon the recommendation of the St. Louis County Police Department, the St. Louis County Counselor's Office filed charges against Wesley Lowery and Ryan Reilly in August 2015 for allegedly "trespassing" and "interfering" with police officers nearly a year earlier. Lowery and Reilly have said they were wrongfully arrested since the day they were taken into custody, and are fighting the charges.


Here's What Happens When You Complain To Cops About Cops

Ultimately, the strength of an internal affairs process depends on the person in charge, experts say.

"It really comes down to whether a police chief wants to do the right thing. In some jurisdictions, not so much. In other jurisdictions, people are real standouts," said Jeff Noble , the former deputy chief of the Irvine Police Department in California who has written extensively on police misconduct, including the book with Alpert.

One major hurdle for police accountability is that citizens often don't bother to file complaints because they don't think their concerns would be taken seriously. There is little motivation for police departments to encourage civilians to complain, experts say, and many internal affairs officers either implicitly or explicitly make it difficult for citizens to air their grievances.

In 2013, the year before the unrest in Ferguson, the St. Louis County Police Bureau of Professional Standards received 69 citizen complaints, about the same number it had received in prior years. Officials reported that number as an accomplishment, citing the gap between the number of complaints and the numbers of arrests (more than 26,000) and citizen contacts (more than 1.6 million) as proof that police personnel "continue serving the community in a very professional manner" and the agency "has continued to take positive measures to reduce and eliminate citizen complaints."

By that logic, 2014 -- the year that St. Louis County Police led the initial law enforcement response to the unrest in Ferguson -- was a fantastic success for the agency: Only 26 citizens filed complaints, a stunning 62 percent drop from the previous year. Given the extraordinarily controversial -- and unconstitutional -- tactics deployed by police officers during the Ferguson protests, it's unlikely those figures mean anything at all.

St. Louis County Police reported receiving just a single formal complaint about officer behavior during the protests of August 2014. An after-action report pointed to two factors for that: It was "difficult or impossible to lodge complaints," and there was "a lack of confidence" in the complaint process. But even the low number of citizen complaints received in the years before the Ferguson protests -- 64 in 2012 and 69 in 2013 -- is nothing to brag about, experts say.

"I would be suspicious of those numbers," Noble said. "That's just too many officers, 800 officers -- you're only getting 60 complaints? The first thing I would want to look at is their complaint policy. What are they required to accept as a complaint? Who is required to accept it?"

Noble said he once worked with a city police department that had close to 2,000 officers. That agency claimed it received only 30 complaints over the course of a year, less than half the number of complaints typically received in a year by his former department in Irvine, which had a force of just 200.

"I mean, that's just laughable. It's absurd. What it tells me is that they're not classifying everything as a complaint, they're not accepting, they're discouraging," Noble said.

One federal survey found that among individuals who reported having force used against them or being threatened with force in 2008, 84 percent felt that police had acted improperly, but only 14 percent of that group actually filed a complaint.

"If you don't get many complaints at a department, that might mean that, yes, the department is very good, officers are performing well," said Walker, the policing expert. "But it could also mean that trust in the complaint process is so deep that nobody bothers to complain."

The first sign that my complaint to the St. Louis County Police Department might not be taken seriously came just after I'd finished filling out the complaint form. I told the official who accepted my complaint at the Office of Professional Standards that while the officer in question had refused to identify himself, I had photos of him on my iPhone. I had already tweeted the photos, but I assumed they would want to pull the images from my device or have me send the original files via email. But the office wasn't going to make it easy. Instead, I was told I'd have to turn in printed copies. So I pulled out my phone, mapped the route to the nearest copy center, walked there to print out the photos and then walked back to drop them off.

An initial letter acknowledging my complaint was followed by months of silence. The department failed to meet its goal of responding within 90 days. Six months passed, then eight, then 10. In the meantime, several public records requests failed to unearth the name of the officer who arrested me.

A few months ago, I confirmed his name -- Michael McCann -- after it came up in a lawsuit filed against the police by other people he'd arrested. With a bit of digging, I learned that McCann had previously been suspended without pay by the St. Louis County Police after he allegedly crashed his patrol car through a fence in a residential neighborhood and fled the scene.

In June, more than 10 months after my arrest, I received a letter from St. Louis County Police Chief Jon Belmar. In the letter, which was carefully vetted by St. Louis County lawyers, Belmar wrote that a "very thorough investigation" had produced "conflicting versions of what occurred."

McCann had denied slamming my head against the door, and Belmar's internal affairs team claimed that the McDonald's security footage did not definitively show what had happened. So Belmar -- "based on the absence of conclusive facts" -- had ordered the investigation closed.

"I would, however, like to thank you for bringing this matter to my attention," he wrote. A recent independent assessment of Belmar's department found a "pattern of light discipline in investigations involving ethical failings and untruthfulness."

In August, a few weeks after I was charged, the St. Louis County Police Department promoted Michael McCann to sergeant.

Based upon the recommendation of the St. Louis County Police Department, the St. Louis County Counselor's Office filed charges against Wesley Lowery and Ryan Reilly in August 2015 for allegedly "trespassing" and "interfering" with police officers nearly a year earlier. Lowery and Reilly have said they were wrongfully arrested since the day they were taken into custody, and are fighting the charges.


Here's What Happens When You Complain To Cops About Cops

Ultimately, the strength of an internal affairs process depends on the person in charge, experts say.

"It really comes down to whether a police chief wants to do the right thing. In some jurisdictions, not so much. In other jurisdictions, people are real standouts," said Jeff Noble , the former deputy chief of the Irvine Police Department in California who has written extensively on police misconduct, including the book with Alpert.

One major hurdle for police accountability is that citizens often don't bother to file complaints because they don't think their concerns would be taken seriously. There is little motivation for police departments to encourage civilians to complain, experts say, and many internal affairs officers either implicitly or explicitly make it difficult for citizens to air their grievances.

In 2013, the year before the unrest in Ferguson, the St. Louis County Police Bureau of Professional Standards received 69 citizen complaints, about the same number it had received in prior years. Officials reported that number as an accomplishment, citing the gap between the number of complaints and the numbers of arrests (more than 26,000) and citizen contacts (more than 1.6 million) as proof that police personnel "continue serving the community in a very professional manner" and the agency "has continued to take positive measures to reduce and eliminate citizen complaints."

By that logic, 2014 -- the year that St. Louis County Police led the initial law enforcement response to the unrest in Ferguson -- was a fantastic success for the agency: Only 26 citizens filed complaints, a stunning 62 percent drop from the previous year. Given the extraordinarily controversial -- and unconstitutional -- tactics deployed by police officers during the Ferguson protests, it's unlikely those figures mean anything at all.

St. Louis County Police reported receiving just a single formal complaint about officer behavior during the protests of August 2014. An after-action report pointed to two factors for that: It was "difficult or impossible to lodge complaints," and there was "a lack of confidence" in the complaint process. But even the low number of citizen complaints received in the years before the Ferguson protests -- 64 in 2012 and 69 in 2013 -- is nothing to brag about, experts say.

"I would be suspicious of those numbers," Noble said. "That's just too many officers, 800 officers -- you're only getting 60 complaints? The first thing I would want to look at is their complaint policy. What are they required to accept as a complaint? Who is required to accept it?"

Noble said he once worked with a city police department that had close to 2,000 officers. That agency claimed it received only 30 complaints over the course of a year, less than half the number of complaints typically received in a year by his former department in Irvine, which had a force of just 200.

"I mean, that's just laughable. It's absurd. What it tells me is that they're not classifying everything as a complaint, they're not accepting, they're discouraging," Noble said.

One federal survey found that among individuals who reported having force used against them or being threatened with force in 2008, 84 percent felt that police had acted improperly, but only 14 percent of that group actually filed a complaint.

"If you don't get many complaints at a department, that might mean that, yes, the department is very good, officers are performing well," said Walker, the policing expert. "But it could also mean that trust in the complaint process is so deep that nobody bothers to complain."

The first sign that my complaint to the St. Louis County Police Department might not be taken seriously came just after I'd finished filling out the complaint form. I told the official who accepted my complaint at the Office of Professional Standards that while the officer in question had refused to identify himself, I had photos of him on my iPhone. I had already tweeted the photos, but I assumed they would want to pull the images from my device or have me send the original files via email. But the office wasn't going to make it easy. Instead, I was told I'd have to turn in printed copies. So I pulled out my phone, mapped the route to the nearest copy center, walked there to print out the photos and then walked back to drop them off.

An initial letter acknowledging my complaint was followed by months of silence. The department failed to meet its goal of responding within 90 days. Six months passed, then eight, then 10. In the meantime, several public records requests failed to unearth the name of the officer who arrested me.

A few months ago, I confirmed his name -- Michael McCann -- after it came up in a lawsuit filed against the police by other people he'd arrested. With a bit of digging, I learned that McCann had previously been suspended without pay by the St. Louis County Police after he allegedly crashed his patrol car through a fence in a residential neighborhood and fled the scene.

In June, more than 10 months after my arrest, I received a letter from St. Louis County Police Chief Jon Belmar. In the letter, which was carefully vetted by St. Louis County lawyers, Belmar wrote that a "very thorough investigation" had produced "conflicting versions of what occurred."

McCann had denied slamming my head against the door, and Belmar's internal affairs team claimed that the McDonald's security footage did not definitively show what had happened. So Belmar -- "based on the absence of conclusive facts" -- had ordered the investigation closed.

"I would, however, like to thank you for bringing this matter to my attention," he wrote. A recent independent assessment of Belmar's department found a "pattern of light discipline in investigations involving ethical failings and untruthfulness."

In August, a few weeks after I was charged, the St. Louis County Police Department promoted Michael McCann to sergeant.

Based upon the recommendation of the St. Louis County Police Department, the St. Louis County Counselor's Office filed charges against Wesley Lowery and Ryan Reilly in August 2015 for allegedly "trespassing" and "interfering" with police officers nearly a year earlier. Lowery and Reilly have said they were wrongfully arrested since the day they were taken into custody, and are fighting the charges.


Here's What Happens When You Complain To Cops About Cops

Ultimately, the strength of an internal affairs process depends on the person in charge, experts say.

"It really comes down to whether a police chief wants to do the right thing. In some jurisdictions, not so much. In other jurisdictions, people are real standouts," said Jeff Noble , the former deputy chief of the Irvine Police Department in California who has written extensively on police misconduct, including the book with Alpert.

One major hurdle for police accountability is that citizens often don't bother to file complaints because they don't think their concerns would be taken seriously. There is little motivation for police departments to encourage civilians to complain, experts say, and many internal affairs officers either implicitly or explicitly make it difficult for citizens to air their grievances.

In 2013, the year before the unrest in Ferguson, the St. Louis County Police Bureau of Professional Standards received 69 citizen complaints, about the same number it had received in prior years. Officials reported that number as an accomplishment, citing the gap between the number of complaints and the numbers of arrests (more than 26,000) and citizen contacts (more than 1.6 million) as proof that police personnel "continue serving the community in a very professional manner" and the agency "has continued to take positive measures to reduce and eliminate citizen complaints."

By that logic, 2014 -- the year that St. Louis County Police led the initial law enforcement response to the unrest in Ferguson -- was a fantastic success for the agency: Only 26 citizens filed complaints, a stunning 62 percent drop from the previous year. Given the extraordinarily controversial -- and unconstitutional -- tactics deployed by police officers during the Ferguson protests, it's unlikely those figures mean anything at all.

St. Louis County Police reported receiving just a single formal complaint about officer behavior during the protests of August 2014. An after-action report pointed to two factors for that: It was "difficult or impossible to lodge complaints," and there was "a lack of confidence" in the complaint process. But even the low number of citizen complaints received in the years before the Ferguson protests -- 64 in 2012 and 69 in 2013 -- is nothing to brag about, experts say.

"I would be suspicious of those numbers," Noble said. "That's just too many officers, 800 officers -- you're only getting 60 complaints? The first thing I would want to look at is their complaint policy. What are they required to accept as a complaint? Who is required to accept it?"

Noble said he once worked with a city police department that had close to 2,000 officers. That agency claimed it received only 30 complaints over the course of a year, less than half the number of complaints typically received in a year by his former department in Irvine, which had a force of just 200.

"I mean, that's just laughable. It's absurd. What it tells me is that they're not classifying everything as a complaint, they're not accepting, they're discouraging," Noble said.

One federal survey found that among individuals who reported having force used against them or being threatened with force in 2008, 84 percent felt that police had acted improperly, but only 14 percent of that group actually filed a complaint.

"If you don't get many complaints at a department, that might mean that, yes, the department is very good, officers are performing well," said Walker, the policing expert. "But it could also mean that trust in the complaint process is so deep that nobody bothers to complain."

The first sign that my complaint to the St. Louis County Police Department might not be taken seriously came just after I'd finished filling out the complaint form. I told the official who accepted my complaint at the Office of Professional Standards that while the officer in question had refused to identify himself, I had photos of him on my iPhone. I had already tweeted the photos, but I assumed they would want to pull the images from my device or have me send the original files via email. But the office wasn't going to make it easy. Instead, I was told I'd have to turn in printed copies. So I pulled out my phone, mapped the route to the nearest copy center, walked there to print out the photos and then walked back to drop them off.

An initial letter acknowledging my complaint was followed by months of silence. The department failed to meet its goal of responding within 90 days. Six months passed, then eight, then 10. In the meantime, several public records requests failed to unearth the name of the officer who arrested me.

A few months ago, I confirmed his name -- Michael McCann -- after it came up in a lawsuit filed against the police by other people he'd arrested. With a bit of digging, I learned that McCann had previously been suspended without pay by the St. Louis County Police after he allegedly crashed his patrol car through a fence in a residential neighborhood and fled the scene.

In June, more than 10 months after my arrest, I received a letter from St. Louis County Police Chief Jon Belmar. In the letter, which was carefully vetted by St. Louis County lawyers, Belmar wrote that a "very thorough investigation" had produced "conflicting versions of what occurred."

McCann had denied slamming my head against the door, and Belmar's internal affairs team claimed that the McDonald's security footage did not definitively show what had happened. So Belmar -- "based on the absence of conclusive facts" -- had ordered the investigation closed.

"I would, however, like to thank you for bringing this matter to my attention," he wrote. A recent independent assessment of Belmar's department found a "pattern of light discipline in investigations involving ethical failings and untruthfulness."

In August, a few weeks after I was charged, the St. Louis County Police Department promoted Michael McCann to sergeant.

Based upon the recommendation of the St. Louis County Police Department, the St. Louis County Counselor's Office filed charges against Wesley Lowery and Ryan Reilly in August 2015 for allegedly "trespassing" and "interfering" with police officers nearly a year earlier. Lowery and Reilly have said they were wrongfully arrested since the day they were taken into custody, and are fighting the charges.


Kyk die video: Weerbericht 15-04-2021 Piets Weer (Augustus 2022).